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On the very date Donald Trump was presented with a custom-made "peace prize" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government released an equally flamboyant security policy document. This relatively short paper drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically humble claim that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."

Even though the document largely formalizes the current actions and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a grave caution for the international community, and for Europe in particular.

A Strategy of Intervention and Civilizational Fear

The document espouses an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been taken straight from speeches by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the much-discussed refugee crisis of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to reclaim its cultural self-confidence." More ominously, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is overshadowed by the real and starker possibility of cultural extinction."

The entire section on Europe is imbued with generations of European right-wing dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and creating conflict, censorship of free speech and suppression of dissent, cratering birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-confidence." Per the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economic power and armed forces powerful enough to remain dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion authentic democracy, freedom of expression, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."

Core Ideas of the Far Right

These arguments carry strong overtones of two concepts seen as foundational for contemporary far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "perversion" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "indigenous" populations and import a more submissive and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "The United States urges its ideological partners in Europe to promote this revival of national spirit, and the increasing influence of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism."

The Objective: "Restore European Greatness"

Put simply, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only movement that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to restore their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document remains vague on methods, it is apparent that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an enemy either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a broader sense, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.

None of this is necessarily new – recall JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is laid out in an official document, European leaders will at last realize that the situation is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in clear and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to act appropriately.